In a stunning political upset, Democratic Socialist and State Assemblymember Zohran Mamdani clinched the Democratic nomination for New York City mayor on Tuesday night, defeating former Gov. Andrew Cuomo and setting the stage for a three-way race this November against incumbent Mayor Eric Adams (running as an independent) and Republican nominee Curtis Sliwa.
With over one million ballots cast through early voting, mail-in, and in-person voting, Mamdani emerged with a little over 43% of the vote, compared to Cuomo’s 36.4%, according to the New York City Board of Elections. Much of Mamdani’s support came from progressive enclaves in Brooklyn, Queens, and Lower Manhattan, as well as parts of the Bronx and Upper Manhattan.
This election marked the city’s second modern use of ranked choice voting, a system that some believe played a key role in Mamdani’s victory, despite his polling advantage in the final stretch of the race.
Why Israel became a central issue in the primary
The Israel-Hamas war and the broader question of Israel’s role in U.S. foreign policy have emerged as dominant flashpoints in American politics since Oct. 7. In New York, home to the largest Jewish population outside of Israel, the debate became a litmus test in this year’s primary. In a city where Jewish voters make up 13% of the electorate and account for nearly 26% of Democratic primary turnout, it’s no surprise that candidates’ Israel-related positions became kingmakers.
Cuomo became the pro-Israel candidate largely as a strategic response to shifting political winds within the Democratic Party. As progressive voices grew more critical of Israeli policies, Cuomo positioned himself as a staunch Israel ally to differentiate himself from Mamdani and shore up support among moderate Democrats, Jewish voters, and pro-Israel donors. His rhetoric often emphasized Israel’s right to self-defense and combating antisemitism, framing his stance as both a moral imperative and a political counterweight to his critics.
Progressive activists aligned with Mamdani framed their criticism of Israel as a human rights issue. They organized protests, sit-ins, and civil disobedience actions, often targeting institutions seen as complicit in Israel’s military campaign in Gaza. Mamdani frequently appeared at these protests, aligning himself with a growing coalition of left-leaning, pro-Palestinian organizers. His presence helped him build grassroots momentum, but also drew intense scrutiny.
Many Jewish voters viewed Mamdani’s rhetoric and affiliations not just as anti-Israel, but as antisemitic. Jewish advocacy groups, including the American Jewish Committee and the Anti-Defamation League, publicly criticized the DSA and its affiliates for downplaying or justifying Hamas’ violence.
At a campaign stop in Park Slope in April, Mamdani was confronted by residents about his refusal to condemn Hamas on Oct. 8. Instead, he deflected to criticizing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s declaration of war and the Israeli military response. That moment circulated widely on social media and became a turning point in the Jewish community’s mobilization against his candidacy.
His comments about potentially arresting Netanyahu, seen by many Jewish voters as a political stunt, only deepened those divisions. While Mamdani insists such measures are about international accountability, critics saw them as inflammatory and legally dubious.
Mamdani also sparked controversy by comparing the phrase “Globalize the Intifada” to the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising during a podcast interview. He defended the slogan as a call for Palestinian human rights, noting that the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum had used the Arabic word “intifada” to translate “uprising” in reference to the Warsaw Ghetto.
The Holocaust Museum issued a strong rebuke, stating that invoking the museum and the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising to justify the slogan was “outrageous and especially offensive to survivors.” The museum emphasized that since 1987, Jews have been attacked and murdered under the banner of “intifada.”
Mamdani responded emotionally to the backlash, expressing pain over being labeled antisemitic and highlighting threats he has received as a Muslim candidate. Despite his condemnation of antisemitism, critics argue that his refusal to disavow the slogan and his past positions on Israel raise concerns about his suitability for leadership in a city with a significant Jewish population.
As a result of national and local tensions over Israel and Mamdani’s vocal stances and history with Students for Justice in Palestine, Israel became the referendum issue in a mayoral race that, in previous years, might have focused more on crime, housing, or transit.
Who voted for Mamdani?
Exit polling data suggests that Mamdani built a broad coalition of younger voters, progressives, and minority groups. Voters under the age of 45 — who made up roughly 40% of the early vote — favored him two to one over Cuomo. He also saw notable support among Asian, Muslim, and LGBTQ+ communities.
When it comes to the Jewish vote, heavily Jewish neighborhoods mostly favored Cuomo, including Borough Park, Forest Hills, Midwood, Riverdale, Sheepshead Bay, the Upper East Side, and the Upper West Side. In Crown Heights, Flatbush, and Williamsburg — which contain large ultra-Orthodox and non-Jewish communities — the casting preferences were more diluted and, in some cases, completely overshadowed the Jewish vote.
But Mamdani’s win has deeply unsettled many Jewish New Yorkers, who are raising urgent concerns, not just about his policies, but about what his rise represents.
Where does Mamdani stand on Israel?
Mamdani, 33, is a member of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), an organization that has long been outspoken in its criticism of Israel. In the wake of the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks on Israeli civilians, Mamdani called for a ceasefire just days later, posting to X: “We are on the brink of a genocide of Palestinians in Gaza right now — and the manufacturing of consent for sending even more US arms to Israel. Now is the moment for all people of conscience to call for a ceasefire and no more military funding.”
In an April 2025 interview with the Forward, Mamdani defended his language, claiming it was a reaction to “statements from a number of Israeli leaders that characterized Palestinians in language more befitting animals than people, and actions that had been taken to shut down civilian access to basic goods.”
The DSA, with which Mamdani maintains close ties, issued a statement on Oct. 7 proclaiming that “Today’s events are a direct result of Israel’s apartheid regime — a regime that receives billions in funding from the United States. End the violence. End the Occupation. Free Palestine.”
Since then, Mamdani has participated in multiple pro-Palestinian protests, expressed support for the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement, and even said he would arrest Netanyahu if he came to New York under the International Criminal Court’s war crimes warrant — comments he made during an appearance on The Mehdi Hasan Show.
How do Jewish New Yorkers feel about Mamdani’s win
Many in the city’s Jewish community say they saw Mamdani’s rise coming and fear what it signals.
Yair Klyman, a New York-based financial strategist and founder of Klyman Financial, described Mamdani’s win as a symptom of what he views as growing radical Islamist influence in American politics.
“The Muslim Brotherhood has used some of its members to create a slow indoctrination into the U.S. of these radical Islamist communities,” he said. “If this guy wins, it’s the beginning of infiltration of radical Islamists into the U.S. It is the ultimate fear. The Jews know this.”
Klyman added that Mamdani’s support base was energized and organized, especially when it comes to anti-Israel protests, a fact that has helped the candidate win.
“I was not surprised that he came out on top because of the number of people that show up consistently for anti-Israel rallies, which are the same people that got up and voted,” said Klyman. “I think Cuomo lost because Jews sat dormant and didn’t go out and vote. Jewish complacency.”
More broadly, Klyman sees Mamdani’s rhetoric as dangerous:
“I’m not scared about his actual actions — I’m scared about what him becoming mayor represents: it represents that being anti-Israel, which to me is the same as being antisemitic, is now being normalized in the platforms we hold dear, like the position of mayor,” he said.
Paulina Hagiage, a Jewish Upper East Side mother of Iranian descent, said that she was particularly concerned about Mamdani’s Israel stance as tensions between the Jewish state and Iran have risen in recent weeks.
“Mamdami’s stance on intifada and his ties to the Council on American-Islamic Relations are what scares me about him the most,” she said. “I recently noticed a sign hanging on the Upper East Side, which read ‘death to America’ in Farsi. Despite my connection to multiple fronts of the current conflict, with friends in Iran and family in Israel experiencing flying missiles and deadly explosions regularly, my current deepest concern is for the safety and preservation of our beautiful city, New York, which I think will be on the brink of collapse if Mamdani becomes mayor.”
According to Sharon Moore, originally from Israel but living in New York City since 2012, the situation is “so scary” for Jews and Israelis in New York.
“I can’t believe he won,” she said. “He is an anti-Zionist who will provide less security for our synagogues, let people on college campuses do whatever they want. It will be a disaster if he becomes mayor, and a lot of people may consider leaving the city because of it not being safe.”
For Jewish activist Shabbos Kestenbaum, Mamdani’s win poses both political and existential threats.
“It’s bad that he won,” he said to Unpacked. “Leave aside the fact that New York City is home to the largest Jewish community in the world. Leave aside his antisemitism. New York City is an economic and cultural powerhouse, and when you have an individual who is an avowed socialist, who believes we need to raise the minimum wage to $30, that we must freeze rents, it’s dangerous. These are not [beliefs] representative of the country at large.”
Kestenbaum, who previously identified as a Democratic Socialist, said he now sees Mamdani’s popularity as a misrepresentation of the city’s true majority. He added that he understands the appeal of Mamdani because “when young people have economic anxieties, they flirt with radical policies,” as he witnessed with his time in the DSA.
“The majority of New Yorkers did not vote for him,” he noted. “The majority will get a chance to vote in November. Minorities did not support him, so I think that Mamdani is just tapping into a popular sentiment. I don’t think he reflects the viewpoints of hardworking New Yorkers, and I think that will show in November.”
Kestenbaum has already joined several WhatsApp groups with Jewish leaders, students, and professionals aiming to build a counter-movement to Mamdani’s campaign. He’s also urging Sliwa to drop out of the race and for voters to rally behind Adams, despite the mayor’s own controversies.
“This can be a really unifying moment in our city,” suggested Kestenbaum. “New York universities have been hotbeds of not only antisemitic rhetoric but bullying, intimidation, and physical harassment. When you have a mayoral candidate who won’t even denounce the calls for intifada, it’s a real threat for the safety and security of Jewish New Yorkers.”
However, in the wake of the election, some New York Jewish voters are reckoning with their decision in the mayoral primary.
Brooklynite law student Sarah Green voted for Brad Lander in the primary, not ranking Mamdani or Cuomo. She said Mamdani’s refusal to disavow antisemitic language led her to not rank him, though she agreed with many of his policies on housing and transportation; Green said she wouldn’t rank Cuomo over his allegations of sexual harassment that led him to resign from the governorship.
“Between Cuomo’s perving and Mamdani’s antisemitism, it felt like a race for the best of the worst,” she told Unpacked. “I wasn’t happy about any of the candidates. I’ll probably sit out the general election.”
When asked whether she regretted her rank, knowing how things panned out, Green said that she didn’t, and realistically wouldn’t be happy if any of the candidates won.
“It’s a scary time to be a Jew, and none of the candidates really acknowledged that. I don’t think the mayor of New York City can do much about Israel policy, but I’m concerned that Zohran’s win will say that antisemitic language is not enough to prevent you from running the world’s most Jewish city.”
Green’s sister, Lucy, also ranked Lander first, but ranked Mamdani fifth. While his win does make her slightly uneasy over his anti-Israel comments, Lucy felt that it was important to pick between Mamdani and Cuomo on election day because those were the only candidates with real shots.
“Am I ecstatic? No. But is this election the end to Jewish life in New York? Definitely not,” she said.
“I think we tend to catastrophize and say the worst is going to come,” Lucy explained. “New York will always be a home for Jewish people. This election won’t change that.”
